名人演讲稿9篇

名人演讲稿。

一些重要的场合的发言都会需要讲话稿，或许你也该收藏几篇讲话稿了。什么样子的讲话稿范文能帮助我们写出好的讲话稿呢？能帮助你大家的或许就是《{名人演讲稿9篇》这篇文章。

名人演讲稿 篇1

第一篇：名人励志故事

1.战胜残疾的巴雷尼——坚持

小时候，巴尼因病致残。她母亲的心像一把刀，但她还是忍住了悲痛。她认为，现在孩子们最需要的是鼓励和帮助，而不是母亲的眼泪。母亲来到巴雷尼的病床前，拉着他的手说：

“孩子，妈妈相信你是个有志气的人，希望你能用自己的双腿，在人生的道路上勇敢地走下去！好巴雷尼，你能够答应妈妈吗？”

母亲的话，像铁锤一样撞击着巴雷尼的心扉，他“哇”地一声，扑到母亲怀里大哭起来。

从那以后，她一有空，妈妈就为巴尼练习走路和体操，经常出汗。有一次我妈妈得了重感冒。她认为母亲不仅要说话，还要自学。尽管她发高烧，她还是起床帮助巴尼按计划练习走路。

妈妈脸上冒出大豆般的汗水，她用干毛巾擦了擦，咬紧牙关，就为了帮巴尼完成一天的锻炼计划。

体育锻炼弥补了巴雷尼残疾给他带来的不便。母亲的榜样教育了他很多，他终于经受住了命运的重创。他学习努力，一直在班上名列前茅。

最后，他以优异的成绩被维也纳大学医学院录取。大学毕业后，巴雷尼把全部精力都投入到耳神经病学的研究上。最后，他被授予诺贝尔生理学和医学奖。

2.焦耳求知——好学

英国著名科学家焦耳从小就喜欢物理学。他经常自己做一些关于电和热的实验。

有一年放假，焦耳和哥哥一起到郊外旅游。聪明而勤奋的焦耳即是在玩耍时也不忘做物理实验。

他找了一匹瘸腿的马，由他哥哥牵着，自己悄悄躲在后面，用伏达电池将电流通到马身上，想试一试动物在受到电流刺激后的反应。结果，他想看到的反应出现了。那匹马收了电击后跳了起来，差点把他弟弟踢了一脚。

尽管已经出现了危险，但这丝毫没有影响到爱做实验的小焦耳的情绪。他和卡克尔又划到了被群山环抱的湖边，焦耳想在那里尝试它的回声。他们把火药塞进枪里，扣动了扳机。

谁知“砰”的一声，从枪口里喷出一条长长的火苗，烧光了焦耳的眉毛，还险些把哥哥吓得掉进湖里。

这时，天空浓云密布，电闪雷鸣，刚想上岸躲雨的焦耳发现，每次闪电过后好一会儿才能听见轰隆的雷声，这是怎么回事？

焦耳挡不住雨，带着弟弟去爬山，用怀表仔细记录了每一次雷电之间的时间。

开学后，焦耳几乎迫不及待地告诉老师他做的所有实验，并向老师请教。

老师望着勤学好问的焦耳笑了，耐心地为他讲解：“光和声的传播速度是不一样的，光速快而声速慢，所以人们总是想见闪电再听到雷声，而实际上闪电雷鸣是同时发生的。”

焦耳听了恍然大悟。从那时起，他对学习科学知识更加着迷。通过不断的研究和仔细的观察计算，他终于找到了热功等效定律和能量守恒定律，成为一位杰出的科学家。

3.电报迷与看报迷——坚持

爱迪生是世界上著名的发明之王。他发明了一千多项发明，如电灯、留声机和摄像机。

然而童年的爱迪生因为家中贫穷，只上过几年学，他十二岁便到火车上去卖报了。不能去学校读书，他就自学。他非常喜欢学习。他一边卖报纸一边看书。他尽快学习并做实验。

爱迪生的父亲对他的家庭非常严格。他要求全家每天晚上11:30前关灯睡觉。但是，通常是晚上11点钟，爱迪生从卖报纸回家的路上，所以他回家后没有时间做自己喜欢的实验。 这是什么班？这对爱迪生来说是难以忍受的，他喜欢自己学习和探索。

于是他想了想，终于想出了一个好办法，让爸爸自己养活自己做实验。

一天，爱迪生用铜线在树上架起了电线，直接接到他的好朋友家里，并把当天卖剩下的报纸和一台电报机留在朋友家。当他晚上会到家时，他父亲想看报纸。爱迪生说今天的报纸卖完了。起先他的爸爸并没有非常可惜。

为了引起他父亲的兴趣，爱迪生开始谈论今天报纸的内容是多么新鲜有趣。可惜他没读。爱迪生的爸爸听到他讲得如此绘生绘色，真的非常想看。于是他问爱迪生还能不能想办法找一份来。

爱迪生说他的朋友佳丽还有一份，他可以用电报把报纸的内容寄出去。这个时候爱迪生的爸爸想看报纸的瘾上来了，于是就痛快地答应了他。

爱迪生的爸爸看到儿子自制的土电报机还真能用，心里非常高兴。心想，这孩子也不简单！从那以后，他再也没有停止过爱迪生的晚间电报实验。

经过艰苦的工作，爱迪生终于成为世界上一位伟大的科学家。

第二篇：名人励志故事精选

近代名人：

1.鲁迅卖奖章

鲁迅在南京江南海军学院读书时，学校以优异的考试成绩授予他一枚金牌。他没有戴勋章作为炫耀的证明，而是将其带到鼓楼街**。 它卖了一些心爱的书和一堆红辣椒。

每当读书读到夜深人静、天寒体困时，他就摘下一只辣椒，分成几片，放在嘴里咀嚼，直嚼得额头冒汗，眼里流泪，嘴里“唏唏”，顿时，周身发暖，困意消除，于是又捧起书攻读

2.黄侃误把墨汁当小菜

1915年，著名学者黄侃在北京大学作中国文化讲座。他住在北京白庙胡同大同公寓，终日潜心研究“国学”，有时吃饭也不出门，准备了馒头和辣椒、酱油等佐料，摆在书桌上，饿了便啃馒头，边吃边看书，吃吃停停，看到妙处就大叫：“妙极了！

”有一次，看书入迷，竟把馒头伸进了砚台、朱砂盒，啃了多时，涂成花脸，也未觉察，一位朋友来访，捧腹大笑，他还不知笑他什么？

3.曹禺真读书假洗澡

抗日战争时期，曹禺是四川江安国剧的专职教师。一年夏天，有一次曹禺的家属准备了澡盆和热水，要他去洗澡，此时曹禺正在看书，爱不释手，一推再推，最后在家属的再三催促下，他才一手拿着毛巾，一手拿着书步入内室。

一个钟头过去了，未见人出来，房内不时传出稀落的水响声，又一个钟头过去了，情况依旧。曹禺的家属顿生疑惑，推门一看，原来曹禺坐在澡盆里，一手拿着书看，另一只手拿着毛巾在有意无意地拍水。

古代名人：

一。欧阳修先生的父亲在他四岁时去世了。他家很穷，没有钱读书。泰太太用芦苇秆在沙滩上写字，教他写字。

还教给他诵读许多古人的篇章。到他年龄大些了，家里没有书可读，便就近到xx家去借书来读，有时接着进行抄写。就这样夜以继日、废寝忘食，只是致力读书。

从小写的诗、赋文字，下笔就有**的水平，那样高了。

2.范仲淹两岁的时候死了父亲。母亲很穷，没有依赖。

就改嫁到了常山的朱家。长大后，我了解了自己的生活，含泪告别了母亲，离开了应天府南都学校学习。白天、深夜都认真读书。

五年来，我没有**服睡觉。有时夜里感到昏昏欲睡，往往把水浇在脸上。常常是白天苦读，什么也不吃，直到日头偏西才吃一点东西。

就这样，他明白了六经的主要宗旨，后来又确立了造福世界的目标。他常常自己讲道：“当先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐。

”3．在中国元代时期有个叫宋濂的人，他酷爱读书，由於家中贫寒，只得借书博览，随著书越读越多，宋濂越觉得需要老师指点，於是他当掉衣服，千辛万苦来到城中，考上学馆，不料学官的脾气古怪，宋濂历经曲折，最后终於苦学成才。

外国名人：

一。大卫·赫伯特·劳伦斯，英国作家。

d．h．劳伦斯的父亲阿瑟·劳伦斯是一位矿工，他所受的教育仅仅够他艰难地读报纸，而他的典型的生活方式是：在滚滚的炊火前，一边烤早餐腊肉，用面包接着腊肉上滴下来的油，断断续续地读着当天的报纸。

2。本杰明·富兰克林，资产阶级民主思想家，美国革命时期杰出的政治活动家和科学家。他是继18世纪华盛顿之后美国最著名的人物。

1723年，年仅17岁的富兰克林因与哥哥意见不合而离家出走，来到费城独自谋生。在这里，他从印刷工人开始，一直到拥有自己的印刷作坊，自己办报纸，走过了一段艰辛的谋生之路，最后获得人们的承认，成为德高望重的杰出科学家、思想家和政治活动家。

第三篇：名人励志故事

名人励志故事

《少年包拯学断案》

包拯包青天，自幼聪颖，勤学好问，尤喜推理断案，其家父与知县交往密切，包拯从小耳濡目染，学会了不少的断案知识，尤其在焚庙杀僧一案中，包拯根据现场的蛛丝马迹，剥茧抽丝，排查出犯罪嫌疑人后，又假扮阎王，审清事实真相，协助知县缉拿**，为民除害。他努力学习律法刑理知识，为长大以后断案如神，为民伸冤，打下了深厚的知识基础。

《杨禄禅陈家沟学艺》

杨禄尘在乡下被恶霸欺负。 他不愿意被羞辱。一个人离家去陈家沟学习艺术。拳击手陈长兴从不把拳击传给外人，杨禄晨也不例外。

然而，杨禄禅的执着精神终于打动了陈长星，终于学会了拳击，惩罚了恶霸，创造了杨式太极拳。

《屈原洞中苦读》

这个故事讲述了，屈原小时侯不顾长辈的反对，不论刮风下雨，天寒地冻，躲到山洞里偷读《诗经》。经过整整三年，他熟读了《诗经》305篇，从这些民歌民谣中吸收了丰富的营养，终于成为一位伟大诗人。

居里夫人

有一次，玛雅在家做作业时，她的姐姐和同学在她面前唱歌、跳舞、玩游戏。好像她没看到，她完全不受别人的影响，只是在书桌前看书。她姐姐和同学想测试她，看她是否真的会读书。

她们悄悄地在玛雅身后摆了几把椅子。如果她稍微动一下，椅子就会掉下来。随着时间的流逝，玛雅人读完了整本书，椅子仍然站在那儿。面对**，很多人半途而废，更别说孩子了，但玛雅没有。

她从不轻易放过任何学习机会。从小学起，她在每门课上都是第一名。

众所周知，邓亚萍从小就喜欢打乒乓球，她梦想有一天能在世界上大得好。却因为身材矮小，手腿粗短而被拒于国家队的大门之外。但她并没有气馁，而是把失败转化为动力，苦练球技，持之以恒的努力终于催开了梦想的花蕾——她如愿以偿站上了世界冠军的领奖台。

在她的职业生涯中，她获得了18枚世界冠军奖牌。邓亚萍的优异成绩不仅给自己带来了莫大的荣誉，也改变了世界乒乓球界只在高个子中选拔运动员的传统观念。

贝克汉姆从3岁就开始踢球，尽管那时还是“玩”球多于“练”球，但父亲一直苦心培训他，顽皮的他渐渐奠定了对足球事业的热爱。 上小学时，小贝跟父亲之间甚至还约定了一个常规“赌局”：如果小贝能站在禁区边不助跑射门，每次把球踢中门柱，就能从父亲那儿赚到50个便士。

总是赢零花钱的小贝很开心。他直到长大后才明白父亲的好意。

小时候，莫扎特经常走到钢琴前面，按下琴键仔细听，试图弹出他听到的声音。友一次，莫扎特的父亲和朋友们回家，看见4岁的莫扎特坐在书桌旁写字。当他父亲问他在做什么时，莫扎特说他正在写一首钢琴协奏曲。

父亲把五线谱纸拿过来一看，激动得流出了眼泪，他对朋友说：“你看，他写的这些又正确又富有意义啊！”天资加上勤奋和用心，这就是神童莫扎特！

名人演讲稿 篇2

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大部分名人都是成功人士，至少在某个行业得到了众人的认可，这些人对人生的理解或许会不一样，他们的事例和经验都足以作为大家人生道路上导航灯，下面是由整理的名人激情励志演讲稿，欢迎阅读，需要浏览更多励志演讲稿内容，请关注本栏目。

【名人激情励志演讲稿(一)】

老师们，同学们：

大家下午好!我今天演讲的题目是《不肯放弃的林肯》。

坚持到底的最好例子可能是亚伯拉罕·林肯。如果你想知道到底是谁放弃了，你不必去寻找！

生下来就一贫如洗的林肯，终其一生都在面对挫败，八次竞选八次落败，两次经商失败，甚至还精神崩溃过一次。很多时候，他可以放弃，但他没有，因为他没有，他成为美国历史上最伟大的人之一。

以下是林肯进驻白宫前的简历：

1816年，家人被赶出了居住的地方，他必须工作以抚养他们;1818年，母亲去世;1831年，经商失败;1832年，竞选州议员但落选了;1832年，工作也丢了，想就读法学院，但进不去;1833年，向朋友借钱经商，但年底就破产了，接下来他花了十六年，才把债还清;1834年，再次竞选州议员，赢了!1835年，订婚后即将结婚时，末婚妻却死了，因此他的心也碎了;1836年，精神完全崩溃，卧病在床六个月;1838年，争取成为州议员的发言人，没有成功;1840年，争取成为选举人了，失败了;1843年，参加国会**落选了;1846年，再次参加国会**这次当选了!前往华盛顿特区，表现可圈可点;1848年，寻求国会议员连任失败了!

1849年，想在自己的州内担任土地局长的工作，被拒绝了!1854年，竞选美国参议员，落选了;1856年，在共和党的全国代表大会上争取副**的提名，得票不到一百张;1858年，再度竞选美国参议员一一再度落败;1860年，当选美国**。

名人演讲稿 篇3

各位老师，同学们，中午好：

古希腊奥林匹克亚山上刻着这样一句格言：“如果你想变的睿智，运动吧；如果你想健康，运动吧；如果你想更加健美，运动吧。”生命在于运动。

没有扎实的根基，万丈高楼无从建起；没有强壮的身体，一个人的人生抱负只能成为海市蜃楼。拥有强壮的身体是每个人一生的追求。

是不是这样呢？请看这个**（奥巴马，最好有一个**1，自己找吧），我相信你们都认识他！

巴拉克奥巴马在中学时是一名优秀的篮球运动员。他从高中到大学都参加过各种篮球比赛。奥巴马在采访中说我在赢得首场预选胜利的那天早晨，还先打了一场篮球，虽然只匆匆投了几次篮，但也要在运动场上跑动跑动。当奥巴马打篮球时，他穿着23号球衣，他开玩笑说：

“我比乔丹更早穿23号。”（最好出现乔丹和奥巴马的同时投影片***2自己找）

看了这个**3，他在韩国访问期间向韩国总理展示了他的跆拳道。为此，韩国还向奥巴马颁发了他名下的跆拳道服、代表跆拳道先进水平的黑带和荣誉等级证书。据悉，奥巴马在担任参议员时就学会了跆拳道，达到了中级水平。

一个年轻的美国人是这样的。我们的中国领导人呢？我们再来看看**（毛泽东**4）

毛泽东是我们国家的开国元勋，这学期我们也学习了他在长征中写下的豪迈诗歌《沁园春雪》，当你读到“数风流人物还看今朝”的时候，你是否能想到，这样一个运筹帷幄的国家领导人，还是体育运动的践行者呢？毛泽东主席于1917年4月发表在《新青年》杂志中，提出： “体育一道，配德与智育，而德智皆寄于体”（***5）、这句话强调：

德育和智育都离不开体育，体育是相互依存、缺一不可的。

从青年到老年，游泳一直是毛泽东的最爱。郭沫若曾这样概括说：“毛主席少年游小塘，青年游湘江，老年游长江。

”说到毛主席游长江那可不是玩笑，在1956年6月1日中午，毛泽东从武昌岸边长江大桥8号桥墩附近下水。他边侧身划水，边和警卫人员及护游的运动员谈笑，像散步一般轻松自如，高兴时，还扎个猛子。巡演历时2小时4分钟，水程约26公里。

这一年他63岁，游后他写出了脍炙人口的诗篇《水调歌头·游泳》：才饮长沙水，又食武昌鱼。万里长江横渡，极目楚天舒。

不管风吹浪打，胜似闲庭信步，今日得宽余。子在川上曰：逝者如斯夫！

风樯动，龟蛇静，起宏图。一桥飞架南北，天堑变通途。更立西江石壁，截断巫山云雨，高峡出平湖。

神女应无恙，当惊世界殊。（***6）

毛主席不仅喜欢游泳，还喜欢爬山、乒乓球等运动

不知道同学们听我讲完两位重量级人物的锻炼故事有何感悟？在当今社会，德、智、体、美、劳的全面发展是绝对的原则。本学期初，校长工程“全校课间操跑步”，我们的口号是：

让跑步成为育英学校的一道亮丽风景。这种看似简单的慢跑也有很大的内涵。它不仅锻炼我们的耐力，而且锻炼我们的集体意识。

要是有一个人掉了队，那么这个方阵就不能成型。步子太大会撞到前面的同学，步子太小就会影响了年级的进行。在寒风呼啸中，同学们依然有条不紊，迈着整齐的步伐，我们跑出的不仅仅是整齐的步伐，更是健康的体魄。

运动吧！泰戈尔说过，静就是死。只有运动才能打破永生之门。

名人演讲稿 篇4

go back to mississippi, go back to alabama, go back to ge***ia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。您知道，这会并且将会改变。让我们不要陷入绝望的深渊。

i say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, i still have a dream. it is a dream deeply rooted in the american dream.

今天，我的朋友们，我想对你们说，尽管困难重重，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

i have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.

"我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

i have a dream that one day on the red hills of ge***ia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子们能和昔日奴隶主的儿子们坐在同一张桌子上。

i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

名人演讲稿 篇5

【篇一：名人伴我成长演讲稿】“人不光是靠他生来就拥有一切而是靠他从学习中所得到的一切来造就自己”这是歌德对人生的感悟在《再试一次就成功》中有一篇文章让我也有此感悟因为作者刘墉也曾经说过：“！

年轻人！把握你人生最美好的时段为自己做点学问吧！”是的其实文中的游泳者才是成功者他是名副其实的可以进哈佛大学因为他拥有成功者所具备的品质“有抱负、有野心、有智慧、大无畏、会把握时机、能有始有终、能全面发展……”：

“好的运动员常比一般人更乐观、更积极、更勇于接受挑战他们在工作时总有不错的表现”所以我郑重宣布：“四肢发达不一定头脑简单因为天生我材必有用体育也是一门学问”、谈处世、谈考试、谈记忆、谈美、谈成长的章节中有开放的也有保守的；“tryagaintosucceed”就是我的座右铭

【篇二：名人伴我成长演讲稿】匆匆岁月似水流年在这匆忙的时代中只有书籍才能充实我们的头脑它似一泓清泉为我们注入新鲜的力量；它就像一把钥匙，让我们进入知识的殿堂；……！……贝多芬告诉我：

“宝剑锋从磨砺出梅花香自苦寒来”：“命运扼住了我的喉咙我要与命运抗争”在完全静谧的世界里贝多芬靠着自己的坚强意志创造出了属于自己的命运交响！但又有一些人手脚健全因没有好的家庭、工作怨天尤人沿街乞讨习惯了谦卑习惯了感恩习惯了低头习惯了接受而自己的意志、坚强不知道何时早已遗失在了个露宿的街角……贝多芬的抗争使我明白：：！

【篇三：好书伴我成长演讲稿】一年级的时候爸爸就给我买了一套课外阅读书其中有一本《名人故事》我特别喜欢（next88）《名人故事》这本书从头到尾彻底地看了一遍这里面有许多知名的科学家、艺术家、、书、画外也很喜欢篆刻据说他为了练习篆刻就曾挑了一担础石回家刻了磨磨了刻日复一日年复一年一担础石都被“化石为泥”了齐白石就是通过这种“化石为泥”《名人故事》、陈景润一样从小好好学习天天向上不管再艰苦也不怕不断提高自己长大当一个对社会有用的人！

【篇四：经典伴我成长演讲稿】尊敬的老师亲爱的同学们；今天我演讲的题目是《经典伴我成长》“云青青兮欲雨水澹澹兮生烟”“红橙黄绿蓝紫”！、、“匈奴未灭何以家为”忠心报国他正是在十六岁的天空里怀下了理想英勇身姿献给了自己的祖国时刻准备着我们时刻准备着！

激情和努力还不足以形容16年来的天空突破和进取，不再是独一无二的，让我们自由飞翔

【篇五：好习惯伴我成长演讲稿】敬爱的老师亲爱的同学们大家上午好.今天我演讲的题目是《好习惯伴我成长》.：

今日的你是你过去习惯的结果；今日的习惯将是你明日的命运改变所有让你不快乐不成功的习惯模式你的命运将改变习惯领域越大生命将越自由、————那就是读书.我记不起来我时候喜欢上读书的直到有一天我开始发现我的家里陈列着各式各样的书《鲁滨逊漂流记》、《简爱》、《绿山墙的安妮》、《悲惨世界》、《百万英镑》、《童年》等世界名着在我家的书桌上陈列着、它们在我不知不觉中进入我的生活、成为我生命中不可分割的一部分、看着一章章愈来愈优秀、愈来愈动人的文章、我知道这是我读书后的成果.我在书的海洋中渐渐沉醉、于是在一本本名着的薰陶下我看书极快、一目十行、背课文时总是最先背会的那个.

我的另一个好习惯是喜欢————温故而知新.每次读完一本书之后都会在带着自己不解的疑问、去书中搜寻答案.每次在大家讨论书籍、名着时我总是能把看过的书的大致内容讲出来、这让我的妈妈在一边说我读书的速度太快时、一边又对我的记忆力感到佩服.

我能牢记书中的内容跟我的这个好习惯有着密不可分的联系.可能有的同学会问了、要是一些连一遍都看不下去枯燥乏味的书能看下第二次呢这我可要说你了父母挣钱不容易、你买一本课外书就要花掉几十元、所以买书时不要一味的看书名买书、因为书名好不代表书的内容好、在买书前要把想买的书的资料简介和一些书的评价看一看确定自己真的对这本书感兴趣了再买下来、不要看到书名有意思就盲目的去购买、这样的话书买回家了因为没意思就不翻不看的话那买它做什么、钱花出去不是浪费！有人说上帝对人类最公平的两件事之一就是每个人都是一天只有24小时记得我们曾经学过“一寸光阴一寸金寸金难买寸光阴”的话虽然我们并不知道所谓“一寸光阴”、“忙、盲、茫”：

朝起早夜眠迟老易至惜此时.：“千里之行始于足下”是啊人生的旅途还很漫长学习的道路更为坚难如果你想攀登知识的高峰那么就请从养成好习惯开始吧！让好习惯永远伴我们成长.

名人演讲稿 篇6

假如我是中队长，我要树立“学习”意识。当上中队长，是一种荣誉，更是一种责任；队长工作不是负担，而是一个极好的学习机会。在少先队这个温暖的大家庭，我要取人之长，补己之短，相互学习，共同进步。

竞选稿 (二)

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

还考验了我们在校园的生活中,是否能很好的团结同学，有较好的人缘。我参加的目的在于锻炼自己，提高自身综合素质，从而更好的为同学服务。

很高兴能够站在这个讲台上，面对同学们熟悉的脸孔，参加班干部竞选活动。此时此刻，我的心里感到非常的激动，经过五年的风风雨雨，成功的喜乐、失败的教训，让我茁壮成长。我相信，不管今天我从这里走**后，竞选的结果会如何，我都会从心底感到高兴。

既然是花，我就要开放，为世界添加一丝美丽；既然是树，我就要长成栋梁，为国家服务；既然是石头，我就要去铺出大路！流星的光辉来自与天体的摩擦，珍珠的璀璨来自贝壳的眼泪，而一个班级的优秀来自班干部的领导和全体同学的共同努力。

我相信在同学们的帮助下，我能胜任这项工作。我真心希望我的诚心和勇气能打动大家，希望大家能信任我、支持我，请大家投我珍贵的(来自: 在点网)一票吧！

谢谢大家。

竞选稿 (三)

敬爱的老师，亲爱的伙伴们：

大家好！

我叫***，今天是我第一次站在讲台上演讲，我竞选的班干部职位是我们班的“环保小卫士”。

“环保小卫士”在同学们眼中可能就是班里的清洁工，受苦受累的职位，而我却不是这样认为的。我认为“环保小卫士”是一个能很好锻炼人的职位。我平时在家就是小皇帝、小王子，衣来伸手，饭来张口，一点家务活都不会干，无论什么事遇到一点小挫折便退缩放弃。

别看我都快11岁了，可我就是没主见。从幼儿园到现在都五年级了，几乎所有的事情都是爸爸妈妈一手操办的，就连我以前班干部的“官职”都是老师给我安排的，没有一个班干部的职位是我自己争取的。所以我想把握住这次机会，自己争取做班干部，当好这个“环保小卫士”，从而好好锻炼自己，磨练自己，使自己成为有上进心；有责任心和爱心的全新的自我。

并使自己变得坚强有主见，今后不但自己的事情自己做，而且还要干好班里“环保小卫士”应该做好的工作。

如果这次竞选成功了，我将认认真真，踏踏实实的履行自己的诺言。磨练自己，干好“环保小卫士”的工作。希望老师和同学们支持和监督我。

如果我竞选失败，说明我有很多地方还达不到老师和同学们的要求，我会把它看成是一次锻炼自己的机会，并会加倍努力，争取早一点达的你们的要求。

最后，我衷心的希望大家投我一票，支持我，鼓励我。

我的演讲完毕！谢谢大家！

竞选稿 (四)

大家好！今天，我站在讲台上的唯一目标就是争当“班级元首”--班长。班长是一个多么令人向往的职位，当然，我也渴望当上这个名副其实的班长。

在班干部职务面前，我自信，我能干、我还有责任心。

我不敢说我是最合适的，但我敢说我将会是最努力的！

假如我当上了班长，我会严格要求自己，为同学树立榜样，相信在我们的共同努力下，充分发挥每个人的聪明才智，使我们的整个班级形成一个团结向上、积极进取的集体；

假如我当上了班长，我会把班级活动作为展示特长、爱好的场所，把学习当作一种乐趣，在集体里互帮互助；

假如我当上了班长，我会每周推荐几本好书，鼓动大家有选择地挑选、购买好书。

如果大家对我有任何意见，请不要畏惧我，尽管向我提出，我一定接受并改正。 请老师，同学们相信我，支持我，我一定行。

竞选稿 (五)

尊敬的各位老师、同学们：

大家好，我今天想竞选纪律委员。

我认为，要做好纪律委员，首先要做到以下三点：

1.以身作则

孔子曰：“其身正，不令则行，其身不正，虽令不从。”首先要要以身作则,起好的榜样式作用。

2. 沉着冷静遇事沉着冷静,三思而后行,不冲动;。

3.自觉努力认真接受同学的建议，做到“吾日三省吾身，”时刻鞭策自己。

我认为，我具有班长的主要资本，在我小学5年的干部实践中，我逐渐能够处事沉着、果断，能够顾全大局，学会了怎样为人处世，解决一些矛盾，怎样协调同学之间的关系，动员一切可以团结的力量，怎样处理好学习与工作之间的矛盾。在中学我担任班长的一个月时间

济的深厚友情，将班级的工作做得有条不紊。

竞争使人优秀也验证优秀。所谓“沧海横流，方显英雄本色。”我虽不是男儿但毫不畏惧竞争，我愿意用实事证明我的实力。

请大家投我一票，谢谢！

竞选稿 (六)

尊敬的老师、同学们，大家好!

首先，非常感谢班级给了我一个“推销自已”的机会，我竞选的是班“文体委员”或“劳动委员”。我的演讲分为两个部分。

一、我的个人情况和任职优势：

我叫***,今年12岁,平时爱看书，爱玩电脑，爱运动，爱劳动。去年从安徽省滁州市转学前，我正参加剑桥英语班学习，同时还在学习手风琴，并通过了江苏省手风琴一级考试。

自从转入五（6）班起，在老师的关心下，同学们的帮助下，我很快融入了五（6）班这个集体，对学校和班级的情况也比较熟悉和了解了。

我爸爸、妈妈都曾是一名军人，所以我身上拥有许多军人的特点，比如思维活跃、行动敏捷、遵规守纪、不怕脏、不怕累、尊敬老师、善于团结同学、与同学在一起玩时经常是组织者。在滁州，我年年被学校评为“优秀小军属”。因而，我具备了担任一名班干部的能力。

二、我的工作设想：

如果老师信任，同学们支持，让我当选班干部，我将努力做到：

一是坚决听从老师、班长们的领导，坚决完成老师和班长交给的任务。

二是积极抓好文化学习，提高担任班干部的说服力；同时，主动向老师和老的班干部们学习，提高胜任班干部的能力。

三是协调好班干部间、同学间的关系，使大家更团结，使我们五（6）班成为学校的“优秀班级”。

四是积极开展文体活动，搞好个人和班级卫生，与大家一道建设好五（6）班这个我们共同的“家”。

最后，无论这次竞选结果如何，我都会胜不骄、败不馁。我相信，有老师和同学们的支持，再凭自己的信心、能力和努力是能够胜任班干部这个岗位的！

请大家别忘了投我一票，因为——你们的支持对我很重要！

谢谢！发言稿（班长竞选）（七）

老师，同学们：

大家好！今天，很荣幸走上讲台，和那么多乐意为班级作贡献的同学一道，参加七二班第一次班委会。我想，我将用旺盛的精力、清醒的头脑来做好班干部工作，来发挥我的长处帮助同学和七(二)班集体共同努力进步！

名人演讲稿 篇7

the gettysburg address

gettysburg,pennsylvania

november 19,1863

fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.we are met on the battelfield of that war.we have ***e to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.

it is altogether and proper that we should do this.

but,in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never f***et what they did here.

it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们的祖先在这块大陆上建立了一个新国家。它是在自由中构思的，奉行人人生而平等的原则

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去.我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会.烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所.

我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的.

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化.那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的.我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记.

毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业.倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们必须在这里下最大的决心，不要让这些死人白白死去；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的**永世长存.

abraham lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865）,美国第十六任**（1861－1865）.他自修法律,以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为**,导致南方诸州脱离联邦.在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中,他作为**,发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用,以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕,成功地引导一个处于**的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战,从而换救了联邦.

他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等,以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想,不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》,因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”.林肯不仅是一个伟大的**,更是一个伟人.他出生于社会低层,具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德.

在美国历届**中,林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位.林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信,以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称.此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一.

虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气.相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想.其中“**应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂.

名人演讲稿 篇8

i e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.

the recent statements of your executive mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time es when silence is betrayal." and that time has e for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.

moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.

perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.

king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.

"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

i e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.

nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.

it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.

so, i was increasingly pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.

and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest passion while maintaining my conviction that social change es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.

but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.

for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:

"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul bees totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.

it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a mission -- a mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.

could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?

can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?

and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i e tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a bined french and japanese occupation and before the munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.

even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.

with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.

even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.

the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.

they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.

they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.

they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?

is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.

we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only nonmunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.

could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?

what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?

surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.

and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.

is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.[出国留学网 WWw.liUxue86.com]

in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.

when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.

perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.

before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.

i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.

i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

(unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.

it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.

we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful mitment.

we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i remend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.

* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has bee a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.

they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.

military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.

" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...

we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.

true passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.

" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against muni**. war is not the answer. muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.

let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative antimuni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.

we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of muni** grows and develops.*

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.

the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.

it is a sad fact that because of fort, placency, a morbid fear of muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now bee the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.

our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must bee ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now bee an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.

i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.

this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.

he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will bee the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.

as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).

we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.

procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.

we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.

omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.

we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.

shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?

or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

名人英语演讲稿范文

名人英语演讲（2）返回目录

this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for o***hing:

ann nixon cooper is 106 yearsold.这次选举有许多优势，许多故事，会被告知几代人。但我今晚想到的是一个在亚特兰大投票给她的女人。

她就像其他数百万人一样，在这次选举中挺身而出，发出自计的声音，除了一件事：尼克松·库珀已经106岁了。

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.她出生的一代刚刚过去的奴役;当时有没有汽车在道路上或飞机在天空中;当有人能像她一样不参加表决的原因有两个-因为她是一名女子，由于她的颜色**。

and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.今晚，我想所有的，她在整个看到她在美国的世纪-在心痛和希望;的斗争和取得的;的时候，我们被告知，我们不能，和人民谁压上与美国的信条：

是我们能够做到。

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes di**issed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.当时妇女的声音被压制和他们的希望被驳回，她活着看到他们站起来，说出并达成的选票。

是我们能够做到。

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of mon purpose. yes we can.当有绝望中的尘埃和抑郁一碗全国的土地，她看到一个民族征服恐惧本身的新政，新的就业机会，一个新的共同使命感。

是我们能够做到。

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.当炸弹落在我们的港口和***威胁世界，她在那里目睹了一代产生的伟大和***是保存。

是我们能够做到。

she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overe." yes we can.她在那里的巴士蒙哥马利，软管在英国伯明翰，桥梁塞尔玛和传教士从亚特兰大谁告诉人民，“我们克服。

”是我们能够做到。

a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.一名男子降落在月球上，墙上下来在柏林，世界是连接我们自己的科学和想象力。

and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.今年，在这次选举中，她谈到她的手指到屏幕上，她和演员投票，因为1xx年后，在美国，通过最好的时候和最黑暗的时间，她知道怎样可以改变美国。

yes we can.是我们能够做到。

america, we have e so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do.

so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?美国，我们来到迄今。

我们已经看到这么多。但有这么多事情要做。因此，今夜，让我们反问一下我们自己，如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我女儿有幸能和安·尼克松·库珀一样长寿，他们会看到什么变化？

那么我们会取得什么样的进展呢？

this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.这是我们来回答问题的机会，这是我们的时刻。

this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynici** and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.

这是我们的时代，要使我们的人民重新工作并将机会留给我们的子孙；重新恢复繁荣并促进和平；回到我们的美国梦，并重申我们是其中之一的基本事实；当我们呼吸，当我们充满希望的时候，我们遭遇冷嘲热讽和质疑，那些人认为我们无法做到。我们将用一句话回应：不，我们可以！

名人演讲稿 篇9

老师们，同学们：

大家下午好！我今天演讲的题目是《无人需要的数字》。

伯明罕是爱尔兰作家，年轻时曾在一所农村小学当过多年教师。那所学校既偏僻又破旧，校舍是由废弃的农场改造而成的，学生最多时也没过百，一片没有任何体育设施的空地是孩子们课间嬉戏玩耍的乐园。加上伯明罕，学校共有三名教师，这两名教师因为忍受不了学校的艰苦和荒凉，相继离开了学校，只留下伯明罕这唯一的教师兼校长坚守在学校。

伯明罕有一颗爱孩子的心，将自己的所学所悟传授给一个个天真烂漫的学生，是他求之不得的事情。他吃住都在学校，环境恶劣，条件艰苦，除了学生，一年难得见到几个人，这些对他来说都不算什么，最令他受不了的是，每年他都得几次徒步40里地到当地的教育部门送各种报表。

有些话在他看来是浪费时间和无用的。比如有一个报表要求每个学校每年报送一次校舍的面积，自从伯明罕来到这个乡村学校，校舍面积从来就没有过一平方米的增减。伯明罕有一次负气地拒送这张**，没过多久，教育部门就派人光顾了这所几乎被人遗忘的学校，警告伯明罕说，如果再不按时报送他们所要求的各种报表，他们就将关闭这所学校。

从那以后，伯明罕虽然心中充满不满，但再也不敢怠慢。

几年前，伯明罕如实填写了这个不变的数字。送到医院后，就像一片石头海，没有任何反应。这一年，伯明罕突发奇想，决定变化一下数字，他将校舍面积乘二以后得出的数字填在了报表上，报上去后仍然没有得到任何反馈。第二年，他将数字在上年的基础上又增加了一倍，仍然是没人理睬。

此后数年，他都如法炮制，一次增加一倍，不断膨胀的数字丝毫没有引起教育部门的注意。直到有一年，伯明罕望着自己填写的数字，决定计算一下，如果自己的学校真有这么大面积校舍的话，那究竟有多大。计算出的结果令他大吃一惊，他上报的"学校"太大了，不仅远远大于圣保罗大教堂，而且远大于爱尔兰的任何一所学校，甚至还大于剑桥大学和牛津大学。